2024年7月4日 星期四

Israelis Seethed Over Al Jazeera Well Before Ban 以色列封閉半島電視台 凸顯雙方關係長期緊張

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2024/07/05 第492期 訂閱/退訂看歷史報份
紐時周報精選 Israelis Seethed Over Al Jazeera Well Before Ban 以色列封閉半島電視台 凸顯雙方關係長期緊張
Moralism's Limits in The Mideast 道德掛帥在中東的界限
Israelis Seethed Over Al Jazeera Well Before Ban 以色列封閉半島電視台 凸顯雙方關係長期緊張
文/Vivian Yee, Emma Bubola and

以色列封閉半島電視台 凸顯雙方關係長期緊張

When Israel ordered Al Jazeera on Sunday to shut down operations there, the network had a reporter covering a government meeting in west Jerusalem, another in an east Jerusalem hotel room, a third in northern Israel to cover clashes on the border with Lebanon and a fourth in Tel Aviv.


But the cameras stopped rolling when Walid al-Omari, the network's bureau chief in Ramallah, in the West Bank, ordered all of them to go home. Israeli authorities descended on a room used by Al Jazeera in the Ambassador Hotel in east Jerusalem, confiscating broadcast equipment. Israeli television and internet providers cut off its channels and blocked its websites, though people were still able to find it online.


Al Jazeera, the influential Arab news network, says it will continue reporting and broadcasting from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. But its departure from Israel marks a new low in its long-strained history with a country that much of Al Jazeera's audience in the Arab world and beyond sees as an aggressor and an occupier.


The shutdown order, which lasts 45 days and can be renewed, was a break long in the making. Al-Omari said that soon after the Israel-Hamas war began in October, the network stopped using an office in west Jerusalem, saying that far-right Israelis had used intimidation tactics against the staff there.


The network has played a major role in amplifying stories of the killing and suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, heightening worldwide outrage at Israel's conduct. Many defenders of Al Jazeera argue that its work is so strong that Israel wants to intimidate and censor it.


But its focus on bloodshed in Gaza has also generated controversy, with some Arab analysts saying it cheerleads for what it portrays as legitimate armed resistance to Israel, and presents commentary from Hamas officials and fighters with little critical pushback. The network is backed by the government of Qatar, which allows Hamas political leaders to live and operate in its country.


That makes it a compelling target for critics in Israel and beyond who say it is, at best, presenting a one-sided view of the war. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused Al Jazeera of inciting violence against Israel and harming Israel's security.


Moralism's Limits in The Mideast 道德掛帥在中東的界限
文/Ross Douthat


Foreign policy can make a mockery of moral certitude. You're trying to master a landscape of anarchy policed by violence, where ideological differences make American polarization look like genial neighborliness, where even a superpower's ability to impose its will dissolves with distance, where any grand project requires alliances with tyranny and worse.


This seems clear when you consider the dilemmas of the past. It's why the "good war" of World War II involved a partnership with a monster in Moscow and the subjection of half of Europe to totalitarian oppression. It's why the "bad war" of Vietnam was only escaped at the cost of betraying the South Vietnamese and making a deal with yet another monster in Beijing.


But in active controversies the tragic vision can seem like a cold way of looking at the world. Lean into it too hard, and you get accused of ignoring injustice or recapitulating the indifference that gave cover to past atrocities.


Sometimes those accusations have some bite. A "realist" foreign policy can slide from describing power to excusing depredations. It can underestimate the power of a righteous cause — as I underestimated, for instance, Ukraine's capacity to defend itself in 2022.


But seeing statecraft as a tragic balancing of evils is still essential, especially amid the kind of moral fervor that attends a conflict like Israel's war in the Gaza Strip. The alternative is a form of argument in which essential aspects of the world, being inconvenient to moral absolutism, simply disappear.


Then a similar point applies to supporters of the Israeli war, for whom moral considerations — the evil of Hamas, the historical suffering of the Jewish people, the special American relationship with Israel — are invoked as an argument-ender in an inflexible way.


Biden's specific attempts to micromanage the conflict may be misguided or hamfisted. But it's not misguided for America, an imperium dealing with multiplying threats, to decline to write a blank check for a war being waged without a clear plan for victory or for peace.


Being cold-eyed and tragic-minded does not mean abandoning morality. But it means recognizing that often nobody is simply right, no single approach is morally obvious, and no strategy is clean.



老外說"Put a Pin in It",不是要你去找別針!
開會時,James向外國老闆提到一個新產品的想法,希望說服老闆一些新的做法時,老闆說:�紁et's put a pin in it.�苤劬here is the pin?"James看了一看會議桌四周,Pin不是別針嗎?哪來的pin啊,要怎麼把pin放進來呢?今天來看看pin在商業場景的應用。
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